Counterfactual donkeys don’t get high

  • I present data that suggest the universal entailments of counterfactual donkey sentences aren’t as universal as some have claimed. I argue that this favors the strategy of attributing these entailments to a special property of the similarity ordering on worlds provided by some contexts, rather than to a semantically encoded sensitivity to assignment.

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Metadaten
Author:Michael Deigan
URN:urn:nbn:de:hebis:30:3-558186
DOI:https://doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.60.2018.472
ISSN:1435-9588
ISSN:0947-7055
Parent Title (German):Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 22, Vol. 1 / eds. Uli Sauerland and Stephanie Solt. Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft: ZAS papers in linguistics ; Nr. 60
Publisher:Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS)
Place of publication:Berlin
Document Type:Part of a Book
Language:English
Year of Completion:2020
Year of first Publication:2018
Publishing Institution:Universitätsbibliothek Johann Christian Senckenberg
Release Date:2020/09/11
Tag:conditionals; counterfactuals; donkey sentences; similarity; simplification
Page Number:18
First Page:367
Last Page:384
HeBIS-PPN:47027400X
Dewey Decimal Classification:4 Sprache / 40 Sprache / 400 Sprache
4 Sprache / 41 Linguistik / 410 Linguistik
Sammlungen:Linguistik
Linguistik-Klassifikation:Linguistik-Klassifikation: Semantik / Semantics
Zeitschriften / Jahresberichte:ZAS papers in linguistics : ZASPiL / ZASPiL 60 = Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 22, Vol. 1
:urn:nbn:de:hebis:30:3-559256
Licence (German):License LogoCreative Commons - Namensnennung 4.0